IN 2003 I had the privilege of observing a great story unfold on the African continent.
The place was Bujumbura, the capital city of Burundi.
The country had been ravaged by ethnic wars between the Tutsis and the Hutus.
South Africa’s top three leaders – Nelson Mandela, Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma – were involved in resolving the civil war that had claimed hundreds of thousands of lives.
I observed the handover of political power by Burundi President Pierre Buyoya to his deputy, Domitien Ndayizeye.
Coming from opposing factions, the two were part of a three-year transitional power-sharing government brokered by South Africa.
SA’s own reconciliation project served as a model. A country that once teetered on the brink but ducked a full-blown war, SA’s achievements had fascinated the whole world.
More so our willingness to share our experiences of conflict resolution and nation-building with the rest of Africa, a continent written off as hopeless.
National reconciliation “Made in RSA” was a priceless export. It would, according to Mbeki’s thinking, usher in political stability, which would in turn attract much needed investments followed by growth and development.
SA’s star on the African continent was rising. Our soft power – the ability to get others to cooperate for mutually beneficial outcome without resorting to military force – enabled South Africa to punch above its weight.
I also witnessed Mandela parading National Party leader and then Western Cape premier Marthinus van Schalkwyk in front of the Burundi parliament, which was composed of members of various parties, much like the Constitutional Assembly that drafted our Constitution.
The message was powerful. The Tutsis and Hutus had to reconcile and rebuild their country.
If Mandela had joined hands with those who once regarded him as a terrorist, why couldn’t the Hutus and Tutsis?
Mandela was slowly winding down his role as a facilitator. Jacob Zuma, the deputy president, had already been introduced to the different parties and was deeply involved. He was very popular with the factions.
With his background in helping to resolve the bloody conflict between the ANC and IFP supporters in KwaZulu- Natal, Zuma also had a story to tell the warring factions.
In an interview with him there, Zuma told a colleague and me that he was confident progress would be made.
But it was clear some of the parties liked to play hide-and-seek, pulling out of the peace process, making demands and returning to the table at a later stage.
I was quite curious to know whether there were any material benefits for South Africa given the resources we were spending there, including deployment of the army in a volatile environment.
There were none.
I later saw a document that showed potential future investments from SA focusing on rehabilitating and developing the basic infrastructure of the former Belgian colony.
Mandela, Mbeki and Zuma had no finan- cial interests in that country.
Nor did their immediate families.
South Africa’s foreign policy was seen as altruistic, not motivated by narrow commercial interest.
Few doubted SA’s motives in deploying the army there.
If Burundi represented the success of our foreign policy, the Central African Republic, where 13 of our soldiers were killed recently, represents disaster and embarrassment.
And now there is a perception that our foreign policy on the continent is a tool for the advancement of the business interests of certain politically connected individuals.
If truth be told, our foreign policy for the continent currently lacks finesse.
Citizens have begun to question the deployment of our army in faraway places. This, together with the domestic social tension to which credit rating agencies often refer when they downgrade us and the endless domestic scandals involving those at the pinnacle of state power, has chipped away at our soft power.
We suddenly lack the ability to counsel others because the conduct of the leaders who should play the role of counsellors is now questionable.
The result is the diminishing of our international standing. Even rebels have the audacity to call our leaders names.
A leader from a country like Zambia has the courage to openly say he hates SA – an important trading partner and one of the biggest investors in his own country.
A minnow like Swaziland, whose gross domestic product is probably smaller than that of Mbombela, has the temerity to tell South Africa’s ruling party where to get off.
Chaotic and messy as their country is, the Nigerians recently felt emboldened to hit back and deport South Africans because we rejected the attempt by a few Nigerians to enter our country without following the applicable immigration laws.
We are fast losing our prestige and respect. Once completely lost it will be difficult to recoup.
It is not enough to be an economic powerhouse. We must also have the capacity to lead by sheer force of example.
No amount of hosting sporting events will help us. We need to be respected not for what we have in terms of material status and stadiums, but for who we are.
Mpumelelo Mkhabela is editor of the Sowetan
Insight: Once a role model to all SA’s status slides away
The place was Bujumbura, the capital city of Burundi.
The country had been ravaged by ethnic wars between the Tutsis and the Hutus.
South Africa’s top three leaders – Nelson Mandela, Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma – were involved in resolving the civil war that had claimed hundreds of thousands of lives.
I observed the handover of political power by Burundi President Pierre Buyoya to his deputy, Domitien Ndayizeye.
Coming from opposing factions, the two were part of a three-year transitional power-sharing government brokered by South Africa.
SA’s own reconciliation project served as a model. A country that once teetered on the brink but ducked a full-blown war, SA’s achievements had fascinated the whole world.
More so our willingness to share our experiences of conflict resolution and nation-building with the rest of Africa, a continent written off as hopeless.
National reconciliation “Made in RSA” was a priceless export. It would, according to Mbeki’s thinking, usher in political stability, which would in turn attract much needed investments followed by growth and development.
SA’s star on the African continent was rising. Our soft power – the ability to get others to cooperate for mutually beneficial outcome without resorting to military force – enabled South Africa to punch above its weight.
I also witnessed Mandela parading National Party leader and then Western Cape premier Marthinus van Schalkwyk in front of the Burundi parliament, which was composed of members of various parties, much like the Constitutional Assembly that drafted our Constitution.
The message was powerful. The Tutsis and Hutus had to reconcile and rebuild their country.
If Mandela had joined hands with those who once regarded him as a terrorist, why couldn’t the Hutus and Tutsis?
Mandela was slowly winding down his role as a facilitator. Jacob Zuma, the deputy president, had already been introduced to the different parties and was deeply involved. He was very popular with the factions.
With his background in helping to resolve the bloody conflict between the ANC and IFP supporters in KwaZulu- Natal, Zuma also had a story to tell the warring factions.
In an interview with him there, Zuma told a colleague and me that he was confident progress would be made.
But it was clear some of the parties liked to play hide-and-seek, pulling out of the peace process, making demands and returning to the table at a later stage.
I was quite curious to know whether there were any material benefits for South Africa given the resources we were spending there, including deployment of the army in a volatile environment.
There were none.
I later saw a document that showed potential future investments from SA focusing on rehabilitating and developing the basic infrastructure of the former Belgian colony.
Mandela, Mbeki and Zuma had no finan- cial interests in that country.
Nor did their immediate families.
South Africa’s foreign policy was seen as altruistic, not motivated by narrow commercial interest.
Few doubted SA’s motives in deploying the army there.
If Burundi represented the success of our foreign policy, the Central African Republic, where 13 of our soldiers were killed recently, represents disaster and embarrassment.
And now there is a perception that our foreign policy on the continent is a tool for the advancement of the business interests of certain politically connected individuals.
If truth be told, our foreign policy for the continent currently lacks finesse.
Citizens have begun to question the deployment of our army in faraway places. This, together with the domestic social tension to which credit rating agencies often refer when they downgrade us and the endless domestic scandals involving those at the pinnacle of state power, has chipped away at our soft power.
We suddenly lack the ability to counsel others because the conduct of the leaders who should play the role of counsellors is now questionable.
The result is the diminishing of our international standing. Even rebels have the audacity to call our leaders names.
A leader from a country like Zambia has the courage to openly say he hates SA – an important trading partner and one of the biggest investors in his own country.
A minnow like Swaziland, whose gross domestic product is probably smaller than that of Mbombela, has the temerity to tell South Africa’s ruling party where to get off.
Chaotic and messy as their country is, the Nigerians recently felt emboldened to hit back and deport South Africans because we rejected the attempt by a few Nigerians to enter our country without following the applicable immigration laws.
We are fast losing our prestige and respect. Once completely lost it will be difficult to recoup.
It is not enough to be an economic powerhouse. We must also have the capacity to lead by sheer force of example.
No amount of hosting sporting events will help us. We need to be respected not for what we have in terms of material status and stadiums, but for who we are.
Mpumelelo Mkhabela is editor of the Sowetan
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