A MONTH ago Gauteng members of the ANC held their provincial conference as usual every fourth year, but there was nothing usual about the 12th conference.
Elections didn’t follow the normal course nor were policy discussions characteristic of a provincial conference. Nor were the conference resolutions – these promise to redefine not only intergovernmental relations, but also the ruling party’s election strategy.
For the first time in recent history all five top positions were uncontested. Paul Mashatile, for instance, who’ve had to endure bruising contests previously for the position of chairman, didn’t even break a sweat this time around. The long-time serving former secretary and current Gauteng Premier, David Makhura, declined the nomination to contest Mashatile, but settled for the deputy post instead.
Gauteng’s leadership of the ANC is a lot more cohesive now than it’s been in a long time. And, this is a result of conscious effort to forge unity. Factional contests didn’t just evaporate. Rather, Mashatile’s executive brought Panyaza Lesufi and Jacob Mamabolo into the provincial government, dissolving what was an alternative power bloc in Gauteng.
Their efforts at unifying Gauteng were helped by Nomvula Mokonyane’s appointment to Cabinet. Mokonyane as Gauteng Premier and Lesufi, together with Mamabolo’s SACP, had constantly been at loggerheads with the rest of the Gauteng leadership.
Mokonyane couldn’t even campaign together with the rest of the ANC provincial leadership in the recent election.
It now appears that the cohesion achieved at provincial level may just filter down to the various regions.
Tshwane and Johannesburg followed suit emulating their provincial counterpart. Regional leaders were elected uncontested. The rest of the regions will follow soon. And, it is highly likely that their elections too will not be a contentious exercise.
The meaning of all this is that higher echelons of leadership set the tone for the lower structures. Factionalism thrives only when the higher leadership allows it. After all, it is the higher structures that arbitrate over factional battles at lower levels. Siding with one faction over another reproduces a sense of grievance and fans factional battles.
In the absence of leadership battles, policy discussions benefit. Lately, ANC conferences have been more about leadership elections than policy deliberations and adoption. Because they were so preoccupied with positions, most delegates wouldn’t even read discussion papers. They’d go to a conference with the sole purpose of voting. Some don’t even know struggle songs, but sing folklore songs instead.
And, once the voting is over, they wouldn’t know what to do with themselves. Quite a number of them would simply leave the conference. Breakaway groups to discuss policy are then left to very few delegates.
The Gauteng conference didn’t suffer that curse. It was more about policy deliberation, than leadership election. Delegates made headlines about policy issues, which is something we haven’t had in a long time.
This means the deliberations were not focused on personal interests that accrue from leadership positions. Rather, they centred on decisions that impact on society, for the benefit of the people who expect leaders to live up to their promise of a “better life for all”. This is the best side of the ANC.
Many policies were discussed at the Gauteng conference, but the discussion on the e-tolls grabbed the headlines. The interest was not generated solely by the opposition to the e-tolls. This shows a province trying to assert its distinct self.
Unlike other provinces, for instance, Gauteng has gone out of its way to identify with the middle-class, which forms a significant portion of the provincial population. Their election campaign activities for the 2014 elections, for instance, included book launches and targeted “academics, professionals and suburbanites”.
In his political report, Mashatile stressed that: “… the democratic government led by the ANC must continue to address the concerns of our people, in particular the middle-class as this remains a key component of the machinery that must drive the process of transformation to a truly non-racial, non-sexist, democratic and prosperous society”.
Unlike the hostility from Luthuli House, Gauteng reaffirmed the middle-class as the motive force of the revolution.
The Gauteng leadership may have finally figured out the formula. Middle-class alienation from the ANC has little to do with toll fees. They can pay them easily. Rather, they’re frustrated by their lack of influence, when in fact they contribute the most towards the public purse.
The revelations that foreign-based companies stood to make massive profits from the e-tolls were particularly infuriating. And the outcry that followed the revelation was simply brushed aside. This was not unusual. Black middle-class complaints about wastage of tax money and scandalous public conduct are shouted down as snobbishness.
And, what irks them even more is that the ANC is their natural home because of its relentless pursuit of equity, from which they benefit.
But, the middle-class will not be silenced. They’re knowledgeable and therefore have opinions on how things should be done, which they can express quite eloquently. Most importantly, they feel strong about how their tax money should be spent. Corruption infuriates them, and a lack of accountability drives them mad.
This explains why, as the Mistra analysis of the 2014 elections shows, a notable number of exclusively black middle-class neighbourhoods – all the way from Johannesburg’s Leondale and Spruitview to Port Elizabeth’s KwaMagxaki and KwaDwesi – voted for the Economic Freedom Fighters in significant numbers. Gauteng ANC is sensitive to middle-class alienation. It now not only echoes their concerns, but also seeks to address them. Scrapping the e-toll is one remedial measure. The other is insistence on exemplary leadership.
It insists that the ANC leadership shows that it disapproves of corruption. This involves suspending individuals that face legal charges of corruption. The 2012 Mangaung conference endorsed this position. But, the national leadership appears to be backtracking from that conference resolution.
The recent meeting of the national executive committee was presented with cases involving Pule Mabe and John Block, both of whom face criminal charges. Rather than suspend them, as per their conference resolution, the NEC came up with fanciful explanations justifying why they should not be suspended.
Such decisions suggest tolerance of corruption.
It is Gauteng’s stance on the e-toll that one finds quite commendable. It not only affirms opponents of e-tolls, but also that “the people shall govern”.
Mashatile insists that they must side with the people. That’s pretty refreshing. We had become accustomed to the arrogance of the power. They’re at that again in parliament over the Nkandla report. But, Gauteng’s insistence on heeding the concerns of voters is a welcome break.
We’re all watching to see how the Ministry of Transport deals with the recommendation on e-tolls. ANC delegates resolved that they be substituted with the fuel levy. But, the spokesperson for the ministry has been busy reminding us that it’s not up to the ANC, or provincial government, to make that decision. It is a ministerial prerogative, the spokesperson insists in numerous chest-thumping statements.
But, the ANC won’t risk losing yet another well-resourced province. This would mean the party cannot be entrusted with running sophisticated provinces. For an African nationalist movement this would be quite an insult – it smacks of incompetence.
If the electoral fortunes of the three Gauteng-based metros improve in 2016, theirs will be a formula for the rest of the ANC on how to improve the party’s fast dwindling support.
It would also mean more power for provincial leaders to design their national election strategy in a way that speaks to their specific profile. What began as an objection to e-tolls may end up redefining relations within the ruling party and government – for the better!
Dr Mcebisi Ndletyana is head of political economy at the Mapungubwe Institute for Strategic Reflection
Repositioning a troubled ANC
Elections didn’t follow the normal course nor were policy discussions characteristic of a provincial conference. Nor were the conference resolutions – these promise to redefine not only intergovernmental relations, but also the ruling party’s election strategy.
For the first time in recent history all five top positions were uncontested. Paul Mashatile, for instance, who’ve had to endure bruising contests previously for the position of chairman, didn’t even break a sweat this time around. The long-time serving former secretary and current Gauteng Premier, David Makhura, declined the nomination to contest Mashatile, but settled for the deputy post instead.
Gauteng’s leadership of the ANC is a lot more cohesive now than it’s been in a long time. And, this is a result of conscious effort to forge unity. Factional contests didn’t just evaporate. Rather, Mashatile’s executive brought Panyaza Lesufi and Jacob Mamabolo into the provincial government, dissolving what was an alternative power bloc in Gauteng.
Their efforts at unifying Gauteng were helped by Nomvula Mokonyane’s appointment to Cabinet. Mokonyane as Gauteng Premier and Lesufi, together with Mamabolo’s SACP, had constantly been at loggerheads with the rest of the Gauteng leadership.
Mokonyane couldn’t even campaign together with the rest of the ANC provincial leadership in the recent election.
It now appears that the cohesion achieved at provincial level may just filter down to the various regions.
Tshwane and Johannesburg followed suit emulating their provincial counterpart. Regional leaders were elected uncontested. The rest of the regions will follow soon. And, it is highly likely that their elections too will not be a contentious exercise.
The meaning of all this is that higher echelons of leadership set the tone for the lower structures. Factionalism thrives only when the higher leadership allows it. After all, it is the higher structures that arbitrate over factional battles at lower levels. Siding with one faction over another reproduces a sense of grievance and fans factional battles.
In the absence of leadership battles, policy discussions benefit. Lately, ANC conferences have been more about leadership elections than policy deliberations and adoption. Because they were so preoccupied with positions, most delegates wouldn’t even read discussion papers. They’d go to a conference with the sole purpose of voting. Some don’t even know struggle songs, but sing folklore songs instead.
And, once the voting is over, they wouldn’t know what to do with themselves. Quite a number of them would simply leave the conference. Breakaway groups to discuss policy are then left to very few delegates.
The Gauteng conference didn’t suffer that curse. It was more about policy deliberation, than leadership election. Delegates made headlines about policy issues, which is something we haven’t had in a long time.
This means the deliberations were not focused on personal interests that accrue from leadership positions. Rather, they centred on decisions that impact on society, for the benefit of the people who expect leaders to live up to their promise of a “better life for all”. This is the best side of the ANC.
Many policies were discussed at the Gauteng conference, but the discussion on the e-tolls grabbed the headlines. The interest was not generated solely by the opposition to the e-tolls. This shows a province trying to assert its distinct self.
Unlike other provinces, for instance, Gauteng has gone out of its way to identify with the middle-class, which forms a significant portion of the provincial population. Their election campaign activities for the 2014 elections, for instance, included book launches and targeted “academics, professionals and suburbanites”.
In his political report, Mashatile stressed that: “… the democratic government led by the ANC must continue to address the concerns of our people, in particular the middle-class as this remains a key component of the machinery that must drive the process of transformation to a truly non-racial, non-sexist, democratic and prosperous society”.
Unlike the hostility from Luthuli House, Gauteng reaffirmed the middle-class as the motive force of the revolution.
The Gauteng leadership may have finally figured out the formula. Middle-class alienation from the ANC has little to do with toll fees. They can pay them easily. Rather, they’re frustrated by their lack of influence, when in fact they contribute the most towards the public purse.
The revelations that foreign-based companies stood to make massive profits from the e-tolls were particularly infuriating. And the outcry that followed the revelation was simply brushed aside. This was not unusual. Black middle-class complaints about wastage of tax money and scandalous public conduct are shouted down as snobbishness.
And, what irks them even more is that the ANC is their natural home because of its relentless pursuit of equity, from which they benefit.
But, the middle-class will not be silenced. They’re knowledgeable and therefore have opinions on how things should be done, which they can express quite eloquently. Most importantly, they feel strong about how their tax money should be spent. Corruption infuriates them, and a lack of accountability drives them mad.
This explains why, as the Mistra analysis of the 2014 elections shows, a notable number of exclusively black middle-class neighbourhoods – all the way from Johannesburg’s Leondale and Spruitview to Port Elizabeth’s KwaMagxaki and KwaDwesi – voted for the Economic Freedom Fighters in significant numbers. Gauteng ANC is sensitive to middle-class alienation. It now not only echoes their concerns, but also seeks to address them. Scrapping the e-toll is one remedial measure. The other is insistence on exemplary leadership.
It insists that the ANC leadership shows that it disapproves of corruption. This involves suspending individuals that face legal charges of corruption. The 2012 Mangaung conference endorsed this position. But, the national leadership appears to be backtracking from that conference resolution.
The recent meeting of the national executive committee was presented with cases involving Pule Mabe and John Block, both of whom face criminal charges. Rather than suspend them, as per their conference resolution, the NEC came up with fanciful explanations justifying why they should not be suspended.
Such decisions suggest tolerance of corruption.
It is Gauteng’s stance on the e-toll that one finds quite commendable. It not only affirms opponents of e-tolls, but also that “the people shall govern”.
Mashatile insists that they must side with the people. That’s pretty refreshing. We had become accustomed to the arrogance of the power. They’re at that again in parliament over the Nkandla report. But, Gauteng’s insistence on heeding the concerns of voters is a welcome break.
We’re all watching to see how the Ministry of Transport deals with the recommendation on e-tolls. ANC delegates resolved that they be substituted with the fuel levy. But, the spokesperson for the ministry has been busy reminding us that it’s not up to the ANC, or provincial government, to make that decision. It is a ministerial prerogative, the spokesperson insists in numerous chest-thumping statements.
But, the ANC won’t risk losing yet another well-resourced province. This would mean the party cannot be entrusted with running sophisticated provinces. For an African nationalist movement this would be quite an insult – it smacks of incompetence.
If the electoral fortunes of the three Gauteng-based metros improve in 2016, theirs will be a formula for the rest of the ANC on how to improve the party’s fast dwindling support.
It would also mean more power for provincial leaders to design their national election strategy in a way that speaks to their specific profile. What began as an objection to e-tolls may end up redefining relations within the ruling party and government – for the better!
Dr Mcebisi Ndletyana is head of political economy at the Mapungubwe Institute for Strategic Reflection
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