Residents of Tshwane awoke last Tuesday to find themselves in a different city – one in the grip of mayhem. There had been a whiff of violence earlier on Sunday, with the killing of an ANC member, following the announcement that Thoko Didiza would be the party’s mayoral candidate in the local elections. But there was no hint that the killing was in fact the spark that would set the various townships on fire.
More than 20 buses have been burnt out, the number of bodybags has risen to five, scores of foreign nationals are on the run and more than 200 people face criminal charges.
It is puzzling indeed that the nomination of Didiza as mayor would unleash such destruction. She is a leader in the party and those on a destructive spree purport to be ANC members. Her nomi- nation was also mooted by the ANC’s Gauteng executive committee (PEC), which was possibly elected by the same members who then rejected its decision. This smacks of breakdown of authority.
Some members have insisted that the incumbent mayor and chairperson of Tshwane, Sputla Ramokgopa, return as mayor. This even goes against the preference of the regional executive committee (REC), which didn’t include Ramokgopa’s name among the three it forwarded to the PEC. Instead, the REC proposed, alongside two other names, Ramokgopa’s deputy, Mapiti Matsena.
In other words, Ramokgopa’s own REC didn’t nominate him for mayor.
How was this possible? The man was re-elected overwhelmingly for a third term in 2014. Yet, reports are that he didn’t top the list of candidates compiled at the party’s regional list conference. His deputy, Matsena, was the favourite.
There’s obviously a power-struggle between Ramokgopa and Matsena. The latter has been hard at work, mobilising support to oust Ramokgopa from the mayoral position. And, for ANC members to have turned so quickly against Ramokgopa at the list conference, after supporting his chairmanship two years ago, suggests an extraordinary level of malleability on their part. One cannot discard disbursement of patronage in swaying members to shift support so swiftly from one leader to another. The Mapungubwe Institute’s book, Patronage politics divides us, which is based on research in various townships, reveals just how toxic patronage is in local politics. Members are hired to vote in a particular way and politicians’ campaigns are sponsored by businesspeople in return for contracts.
It is possible therefore, that Ramokgopa’s ousting was driven by the pursuit of material gain, not good governance.
That said, let us briefly assume good governance was a consideration. After all, whilst savvy and witty, Ramokgopa has not run a squeaky clean administration. There have been endless reports of corruption involving a contract to install a meter-reading system; and concerts for international singers that never happened despite expenditure of millions.
Even if we assume Ramokgopa’s removal is punishment for maladministration and possible impropriety, the REC’s aim in replacing him has been about achieving efficient governance.
By nominating Matsena alongside two other marginal candidates, the Tshwane REC wanted us to believe he was the answer to their woes. But that cannot be. This man has never been a councillor. Matsena has been a public servant.
Surely, one shouldn’t just get to be mayor of the country’s capital city without some experience as a councillor?
Did the REC ever consider the demands of the mayoral position in an international city, and what is required of the incumbent? Do they even care about whether their mayor excels once in office?
I doubt it. How could Matsena excel when he hasn’t been prepared?
That’s what makes the decision by Gauteng’s PEC to reject Matsena laudable. Besides considerations of competence, the PEC is anxious to have a cohesive ANC to ward off the DA’s attempts to wrest the reins of power from them. They reckoned that Didiza, as she appears detached from either faction, stands a better chance of narrowing the schism in the REC. It’s not a perfect solution, but one they figured had less risk and something certainly had to be done to rectify an already precarious situation.
Matsena’s nomination as mayoral candidate was not only not about merit or excellence. It was all about access to the spoils of office.
Nepotism and clientilism is commonplace in our politics. The auditor-general told us that last year alone officials and councillors were either directly involved or gave their family members contracts worth more than R1-billion.
Oftentimes this happens by excluding others and it results in wasteful expenditure due to incompetence.
The revelations around state capture show how pervasive this corrosive practice is. Because it enjoys the presidential seal of approval, a climate of acceptance has been created for what is effectively corruption. There have hardly been any repercussions for the culprits.
Disregard for merit is not peculiar to the city of Tshwane. It happened earlier in KwaZulu-Natal and more recently at eKurhuleni.
Sihle Zikalala is now KZN’s MEC of the complex portfolio of finance and economic development. He’s never even been an MPL, let alone a portfolio chair – which is how one gets training and becomes familiar with executive responsibility. Zikalala’s only claim to the position is that he has numbers on his side. He somehow convinced the majority of ANC members to elect him chair of the ANC in the KZN, over Senzo Mchunu.
That’s also how Mzwandile Masina got to be the mayoral candidate for eKurhuleni. Masina is similarly ill-prepared. Not only that, but he’s also replacing a very capable mayor, Mondli Gungubele, who has won numerous honours for eKurhuleni and put it on a developmental path.
That is excellence that should be retained and dedication worthy of rewarding. In pushing Gungubele out, the regional leadership at eKurhuleni says merit doesn’t matter. All you need are numbers behind you, then you will have the highest office, regardless of whether you’re competent.
But the calibre of an individual leader matters. Individuals make a difference. The accent on the collective is overrated. Even the ANC, of all groupings, is now publicly acceding to this human reality. That is why they’re now picking mayoral candidates before the elections. The candidate will become the leader and face of the local campaign, rather than the collective or president of the republic.
Danny Jordaan, for instance, will mount a far better campaign in Nelson Mandela Bay Metro than the collective or the ANC president which are both badly tainted in that part of the country. Jordaan meanwhile came to office in May 2015 with enormous credibility and he has demonstrated competence as mayor and yielded good results. His nomination is recognition of merit and people’s appreciation of excellence.
What of the violence that has gripped the capital city? It is highly unfortunate, but not unexpected. Ascendance to office is now settled by might and trickery, not wits and merit. Extra-judicial means of contesting office have become acceptable. The chickens have come home to roost!
Mcebisi Ndletyana is an associate professor at the University of Johannesburg and a fellow at Mistra
Tshwane violence about patronage, not principle
More than 20 buses have been burnt out, the number of bodybags has risen to five, scores of foreign nationals are on the run and more than 200 people face criminal charges.
It is puzzling indeed that the nomination of Didiza as mayor would unleash such destruction. She is a leader in the party and those on a destructive spree purport to be ANC members. Her nomi- nation was also mooted by the ANC’s Gauteng executive committee (PEC), which was possibly elected by the same members who then rejected its decision. This smacks of breakdown of authority.
Some members have insisted that the incumbent mayor and chairperson of Tshwane, Sputla Ramokgopa, return as mayor. This even goes against the preference of the regional executive committee (REC), which didn’t include Ramokgopa’s name among the three it forwarded to the PEC. Instead, the REC proposed, alongside two other names, Ramokgopa’s deputy, Mapiti Matsena.
In other words, Ramokgopa’s own REC didn’t nominate him for mayor.
How was this possible? The man was re-elected overwhelmingly for a third term in 2014. Yet, reports are that he didn’t top the list of candidates compiled at the party’s regional list conference. His deputy, Matsena, was the favourite.
There’s obviously a power-struggle between Ramokgopa and Matsena. The latter has been hard at work, mobilising support to oust Ramokgopa from the mayoral position. And, for ANC members to have turned so quickly against Ramokgopa at the list conference, after supporting his chairmanship two years ago, suggests an extraordinary level of malleability on their part. One cannot discard disbursement of patronage in swaying members to shift support so swiftly from one leader to another. The Mapungubwe Institute’s book, Patronage politics divides us, which is based on research in various townships, reveals just how toxic patronage is in local politics. Members are hired to vote in a particular way and politicians’ campaigns are sponsored by businesspeople in return for contracts.
It is possible therefore, that Ramokgopa’s ousting was driven by the pursuit of material gain, not good governance.
That said, let us briefly assume good governance was a consideration. After all, whilst savvy and witty, Ramokgopa has not run a squeaky clean administration. There have been endless reports of corruption involving a contract to install a meter-reading system; and concerts for international singers that never happened despite expenditure of millions.
Even if we assume Ramokgopa’s removal is punishment for maladministration and possible impropriety, the REC’s aim in replacing him has been about achieving efficient governance.
By nominating Matsena alongside two other marginal candidates, the Tshwane REC wanted us to believe he was the answer to their woes. But that cannot be. This man has never been a councillor. Matsena has been a public servant.
Surely, one shouldn’t just get to be mayor of the country’s capital city without some experience as a councillor?
Did the REC ever consider the demands of the mayoral position in an international city, and what is required of the incumbent? Do they even care about whether their mayor excels once in office?
I doubt it. How could Matsena excel when he hasn’t been prepared?
That’s what makes the decision by Gauteng’s PEC to reject Matsena laudable. Besides considerations of competence, the PEC is anxious to have a cohesive ANC to ward off the DA’s attempts to wrest the reins of power from them. They reckoned that Didiza, as she appears detached from either faction, stands a better chance of narrowing the schism in the REC. It’s not a perfect solution, but one they figured had less risk and something certainly had to be done to rectify an already precarious situation.
Matsena’s nomination as mayoral candidate was not only not about merit or excellence. It was all about access to the spoils of office.
Nepotism and clientilism is commonplace in our politics. The auditor-general told us that last year alone officials and councillors were either directly involved or gave their family members contracts worth more than R1-billion.
Oftentimes this happens by excluding others and it results in wasteful expenditure due to incompetence.
The revelations around state capture show how pervasive this corrosive practice is. Because it enjoys the presidential seal of approval, a climate of acceptance has been created for what is effectively corruption. There have hardly been any repercussions for the culprits.
Disregard for merit is not peculiar to the city of Tshwane. It happened earlier in KwaZulu-Natal and more recently at eKurhuleni.
Sihle Zikalala is now KZN’s MEC of the complex portfolio of finance and economic development. He’s never even been an MPL, let alone a portfolio chair – which is how one gets training and becomes familiar with executive responsibility. Zikalala’s only claim to the position is that he has numbers on his side. He somehow convinced the majority of ANC members to elect him chair of the ANC in the KZN, over Senzo Mchunu.
That’s also how Mzwandile Masina got to be the mayoral candidate for eKurhuleni. Masina is similarly ill-prepared. Not only that, but he’s also replacing a very capable mayor, Mondli Gungubele, who has won numerous honours for eKurhuleni and put it on a developmental path.
That is excellence that should be retained and dedication worthy of rewarding. In pushing Gungubele out, the regional leadership at eKurhuleni says merit doesn’t matter. All you need are numbers behind you, then you will have the highest office, regardless of whether you’re competent.
But the calibre of an individual leader matters. Individuals make a difference. The accent on the collective is overrated. Even the ANC, of all groupings, is now publicly acceding to this human reality. That is why they’re now picking mayoral candidates before the elections. The candidate will become the leader and face of the local campaign, rather than the collective or president of the republic.
Danny Jordaan, for instance, will mount a far better campaign in Nelson Mandela Bay Metro than the collective or the ANC president which are both badly tainted in that part of the country. Jordaan meanwhile came to office in May 2015 with enormous credibility and he has demonstrated competence as mayor and yielded good results. His nomination is recognition of merit and people’s appreciation of excellence.
What of the violence that has gripped the capital city? It is highly unfortunate, but not unexpected. Ascendance to office is now settled by might and trickery, not wits and merit. Extra-judicial means of contesting office have become acceptable. The chickens have come home to roost!
Mcebisi Ndletyana is an associate professor at the University of Johannesburg and a fellow at Mistra
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