The case of suspended‚ or not suspended‚ ANC leader Marius Fransman is vexing and odd.
It can be dismissed as a product of the pro-and anti-Zuma squabble‚ with Fransman having the backing of President Jacob Zuma on the one hand‚ and ANC secretary-general Gwede Mantashe trying to instill discipline on the other.
But it comes a week before the toughest election the party has faced.
It is worthwhile reminding ourselves who Fransman is: he is leading the party in the only province run by the opposition‚ he is not particularly popular in his province‚ the ANC under his watch is in a dismal state‚ the Western Cape’s role in national ANC politics is minimal‚ and Fransman is reported to have fraternised with gangsters.
He is fighting sections of his party for attempting to hold him to account over serious allegations of sexual assault.
Yet senior party leaders – including Mantashe and treasurer-general Zweli Mkhize on the one hand‚ and head of elections Nomvula Mokonyane and Zuma himself on the other – are at odds over his status in the party.
Step back from Fransman for a moment.
The ANC’s response to the drama at the SABC was equally odd; strong and emotional at first‚ shortly afterwards‚ it backtracked and referred the matter to Parliament‚ which should have dealt with it in the first place. The broadcaster concedes defeat over its editorial policies‚ loses a labour court case and is compelled to reinstate axed reporters‚ then bars them from returning to work the next day.
Later‚ on the same day‚ it announces that they will return to work.
Huh?
Let us go back a little farther.
Recall the reaction by Mantashe to the landing of the Gupta family at the Waterkloof Air Force Base.
The strongest rebuke emerged from Luthuli House.
Yet three years later‚ Mantashe announced that a probe into the influence of the family after the deputy finance minister admitted the family offered him his boss’s job‚ had fallen flat.
The odd behaviour could simply be a reflection of the confusion within the party‚ as it faces yet another crossroads in the post-democratic era.
Its internal chaos and contradictions are a product of its current state.
It has a president in the proverbial departure lounge: he is expected to step down at the end of next year as party leader.
In the natural course of events‚ he would be looking forward to a long‚ leisurely retirement‚ and go through the motions as he campaigns to secure a final victory for the party and his legacy in government as he makes way for his successor.
But he is doing nothing of the sort.
Instead‚ he has surrounded himself with mediocre sycophants‚ from Fransman to SABC chief operating officer Hlaudi Motsoeneng‚ who continue to prop him up.
The ANC’s national executive committee has similarly failed to hold him to account – either it cannot or it will not.
My guess is the latter.
He holds the superficial loyalty of major regional power brokers including the “premier league”‚ which includes the ANC leaders of Mpumalanga‚ the North West‚ and the Free State.
Yet the ANC’s electoral fortunes have slipped steadily since Zuma came to power in 2009.
Under him‚ a province has been lost‚ the alliance has been decimated‚ the youth league been destroyed‚ and two clear splits have emerged‚ with another on the cards: the Congress of the People‚ the EFF‚ and the National Union of Metalworkers of SA under the banner of the United Front.
It is no wonder there is division in the ranks.
The unfolding drama in our body politic is a clear indication that the organisation that dominates it is in serious decline.
Pre-Polokwane‚ the answer to the question‚ “What is to be done?” was “Zuma” from the unthinking coalition that drove his ascent.
Now answering that question is vastly more complex‚ and South Africa is taking strain as the governing party wrestles with it.
NATASHA MARRIAN is political editor of Business Day
Perplexing Fransman matter reflects intra-ANC dynamics
It can be dismissed as a product of the pro-and anti-Zuma squabble‚ with Fransman having the backing of President Jacob Zuma on the one hand‚ and ANC secretary-general Gwede Mantashe trying to instill discipline on the other.
But it comes a week before the toughest election the party has faced.
It is worthwhile reminding ourselves who Fransman is: he is leading the party in the only province run by the opposition‚ he is not particularly popular in his province‚ the ANC under his watch is in a dismal state‚ the Western Cape’s role in national ANC politics is minimal‚ and Fransman is reported to have fraternised with gangsters.
He is fighting sections of his party for attempting to hold him to account over serious allegations of sexual assault.
Yet senior party leaders – including Mantashe and treasurer-general Zweli Mkhize on the one hand‚ and head of elections Nomvula Mokonyane and Zuma himself on the other – are at odds over his status in the party.
Step back from Fransman for a moment.
The ANC’s response to the drama at the SABC was equally odd; strong and emotional at first‚ shortly afterwards‚ it backtracked and referred the matter to Parliament‚ which should have dealt with it in the first place. The broadcaster concedes defeat over its editorial policies‚ loses a labour court case and is compelled to reinstate axed reporters‚ then bars them from returning to work the next day.
Later‚ on the same day‚ it announces that they will return to work.
Huh?
Let us go back a little farther.
Recall the reaction by Mantashe to the landing of the Gupta family at the Waterkloof Air Force Base.
The strongest rebuke emerged from Luthuli House.
Yet three years later‚ Mantashe announced that a probe into the influence of the family after the deputy finance minister admitted the family offered him his boss’s job‚ had fallen flat.
The odd behaviour could simply be a reflection of the confusion within the party‚ as it faces yet another crossroads in the post-democratic era.
Its internal chaos and contradictions are a product of its current state.
It has a president in the proverbial departure lounge: he is expected to step down at the end of next year as party leader.
In the natural course of events‚ he would be looking forward to a long‚ leisurely retirement‚ and go through the motions as he campaigns to secure a final victory for the party and his legacy in government as he makes way for his successor.
But he is doing nothing of the sort.
Instead‚ he has surrounded himself with mediocre sycophants‚ from Fransman to SABC chief operating officer Hlaudi Motsoeneng‚ who continue to prop him up.
The ANC’s national executive committee has similarly failed to hold him to account – either it cannot or it will not.
My guess is the latter.
He holds the superficial loyalty of major regional power brokers including the “premier league”‚ which includes the ANC leaders of Mpumalanga‚ the North West‚ and the Free State.
Yet the ANC’s electoral fortunes have slipped steadily since Zuma came to power in 2009.
Under him‚ a province has been lost‚ the alliance has been decimated‚ the youth league been destroyed‚ and two clear splits have emerged‚ with another on the cards: the Congress of the People‚ the EFF‚ and the National Union of Metalworkers of SA under the banner of the United Front.
It is no wonder there is division in the ranks.
The unfolding drama in our body politic is a clear indication that the organisation that dominates it is in serious decline.
Pre-Polokwane‚ the answer to the question‚ “What is to be done?” was “Zuma” from the unthinking coalition that drove his ascent.
Now answering that question is vastly more complex‚ and South Africa is taking strain as the governing party wrestles with it.
NATASHA MARRIAN is political editor of Business Day
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