THE organisational culture of the ANC has become disfigured to the extent that it stands in the way of deepening democracy and poses a threat to the country’s economic growth and development.
Organisational culture comprises the behaviours, values and ways of doing things that are deeply ingrained and seen as normal by members and supporters of an organisation. Behaviours – if one will follow them – will be tolerated, valued and rewarded.
Because the ANC is so dominant, its organisational culture will dominate government, politics and society. For this reason we should be concerned.
The ANC’s seminal March 2007 discussion document on organisational renewal described a tension between the “imperatives of the ANC as a national liberation movement with a distinct culture and revolutionary traditions”, and the “demands and obligations” of the government overseeing a democracy.
The truth is that the “distinct culture” and “traditions” of the ANC are now not only fundamentally different to the past, but are the cause of ANC and government failures.
To start with there seems to be a growing belief in the ANC that the state is an extension of the party – with absolutely no fire wall between the two. The March 2007 discussion document rightly warned that the ANC was succumbing to a habit of “micro-managing governance as if they are the executive authority or administrative arm of the state”.
For another thing, many ANC leaders and members reckon the status of the party and its leadership is above that of democratic institutions and state bureaucracy. And party rules are preferred over the country’s laws and constitution.
A leader of the ANC may, for example, do something illegal, but it becomes only illegal if the party says so.
And not only is there a view that because the ANC was the leading movement in the fight for liberation it is entitled to the spoils of government – but also that those cadres deemed loyal, uncritical and pliant to the leadership, should be appointed to key positions in government.
Appointments are rarely about individual talent, competence or commitment to serve the broader interests of the country. Loyalty to one faction or party leader is the criteria, and this can carry the reward of a high position.
Just these disturbing trends alone in ANC culture will have a substantial impact on governance, democratic institutions and the economy.
Since it took power in 1994 the ANC as a party has undergone two major transformations in organisational culture. First, the more secretive, intolerant and centralised decision-making aspects of exile and its underground military wings appear to have come to dominate party culture. Second, the trappings of government itself – access to high-paid jobs, patronage, government contracts and control of powerful institutions – have distorted key elements of ANC practise.
Democratic centralism, which roughly means that a few leaders make decisions and send out commands and members and that supporters must unquestioningly obey them, appears to have become entrenched within ANC culture.
Yet, failing to criticise poor policies, incompetent leadership behaviour and corruption leads to more bad policies and encourages an endless succession of incompetent leaders and further corruption.
In the past, leaders were expected, in both their individual behaviour and public conduct and pronouncements, to act on an ethical and moral basis and to carry themselves with a modicum of dignity. This was exemplified by Albert Luthuli, Oliver Tambo and Walter Sisulu.
Today the ANC’s unique history narrative as the “good people”– a strong component of its pre-government organisational culture – is increasingly eroded by corruption, poor service delivery, mismanagement and the appalling public and private behaviour of its leaders.
Worryingly the ANC’s contemporary organisational culture is being rewritten as one in which corruption, mismanagement, poor service delivery and poor behaviour are the new norm.
A key element of ANC organisational culture used to be embracing the diversity of South Africa’s communities, rather than one ethnic community, region or colour. These days tribalism and exclusive definitions of being African, South African and black have become a norm.
This is symbolised by the “100% Zulu” assertions and arguments that certain people should get government jobs, contracts or support merely because they are black, irrespective of whether they are corrupt, incompetent, lack the skills and/ or are blatantly wrong for the job.
Part of the ANC’s organisational culture used to be to embrace a diversity of outlooks, ideas and influences. It was never ideologically rigid. The pre-1994 ANC was allied with many diverse and independent, social, civic, youth, student, religious, traditional and professional organisations. This was the strength of the ANC. That diversity improved the quality of ideas, outlooks and policies because it continually brought fresh approaches.
Now it appears that unless members and supporters unquestioningly regurgitate the official party line, they are marginalised. And sadly, that “line” does not often serve the interests of the ANC itself or the country, but more and more the private interests of leaders.
Rational behaviour in the face of difficult realities in the ANC is also seemingly discouraged in favour of defensive aggression, closing ranks and adopting an “us against the world approach”.
Instead of simply accepting the reality that a chosen policy, direction or leader is wrong, and admitting this and changing track – supporters, members and leaders dig in, defending someone or something even if the consequences for the country, the ANC and its members and supporters are disastrous.
The organisational culture used to emphasise rewarding hard work, merit and humility. Now all one seemingly has to do is show bootlicking loyalty to key leaders by singing their praises or viciously attacking their perceived critics. This puts the acolytes in line for rich rewards.
Honesty used to be the bedrock of ANC organisational culture. Now double speak is its new language and mastering it can lead to promotion, rewards and tenders.
Populism used to be discouraged. Pragmatism was encouraged along with logic. Sensible and practical new approaches were sought to complex problems. Now however, it seems that populist responses and rigid one-liners from past documents are increasingly tendered as solutions – and this is a norm.
The ANC’s organisational culture also used to encourage a caring approach to all. Now the party increasingly cares for select leaders and their friends and families, while the vast majority are on their own, only cared for when elections approach and their votes are needed.
The ANC used to be a rules-based organisation in itself. Members and leaders had to adhere to the rules. Today these are applied selectively by the party leadership.
The organisational culture of the ANC used to promote a clear democratic, human rights and moral value framework. But now driving a million-rand-plus car, having a blue-light brigade, surrounding oneself with dozens of bodyguards and living in a mansion – all funded by the taxpayer – is an integral part of the new culture. And if one does not get these things, one is just not part of it.
The ANC used to transform individuals into better people. It was a learning organisation, open to change by fresh ideas that widened the political, social and cultural horizons of members and supporters. Now the bad cultures appears to be fostering narrow-mindedness and conservatism in all spheres.
And members are likely to imbibe bad behaviours because the leadership sets such bad examples – which are accepted in the ANC family. Dishonest, corrupt and incompetent leaders drive the current culture of the ANC and talented, honest people with consciences are repelled.
Unless the ANC’s organisational culture is dramatically overhauled, any policy the party implements in government is unlikely to be effective. Making South Africa’s national constitution the basis of ANC behaviour, values and ways of doing things – and enforcing this – will go a long way towards changing the current organisational culture.
William Gumede is chairman of the Democracy Works Foundation and author of “Restless Nation: Making Sense of Troubled Times”