PRESIDENT Jacob Zuma has placed the state at the centre of what he termed “radical socio-economic transformation” in his inauguration speech.
State-owned companies will be the engines of economic growth, he promised.
Black economic empowerment policies will be pursued with vigour. And so will land reform, the procurement of government goods from domestic companies and the provision of services with courtesy in the spirit of ubuntu.
It would be a great plan, had we not heard something similar before – at least rhetorically.
Whether Zuma and his administration will implement it is another matter.
South Africans have been waiting for Zuma to crack the whip and quicken delivery for the last five years. His record is far from impressive.
It is dominated by negativity that he attributes to a bad press and some clever people.
The so-called bad press and clever people believe he in fact is the source of this negativity.
If Zuma were forced by circumstances – political or otherwise – to leave office after the first five years, he would score poorly in governance.
But he would score 100% for political manoeuvring. His skill in this regard is unrivalled. Hats off!
How else can one explain the fact that he took over from Thabo Mbeki who left the ANC at nearly 70% in voter support and led it downward to 62% and yet he was not held accountable for it.
Mbeki was, however, booted out because the public had allegedly lost confidence in the ANC and the government under him.
Not only is Zuma adept at political manoeuvring, he is also lucky to get signals when danger is coming his way, thus giving him an opportunity to react pro-actively.
His detractors in the ANC started campaigning against him prematurely. This gave him ample time to fight them successfully, using a combination of patronage and streetwise astuteness.
He also made sure the national executive committee of the ANC was packed with people who would support him come whatever scandal – personal or governance related.
It’s a remarkable story that has spawned all sorts of urban legends about his inexhaustible tricks in the political game.
But it’s not the kind of stuff that makes for a sound and solid legacy. The job of the president is to competently preside over state and provide sound leadership.
So far, Zuma has not used his streetwise political astuteness and manoeuvring skills to improve governance. In fact, he has violated several constitutional prescripts.
Until such time that he translates his skills to something tangible for ordinary South Africans, he will go down in history as someone who did nothing but teach citizens how to survive politically.
South Africans should be able to distinguish between that which the state would have been able to do regardless of who was president, and the kind of things that they know could only have been possible with Zuma at the helm.
That distinction and the uniqueness of his contribution would add to a legacy under construction.
But what Zuma’s political skill has done is to secure him a second term. Now he must make sure that this is not an end in itself.
Assuming he used the first five years to settle down, figure out the machinery of the state and get his vision across, there can be no excuse in the second term not to deliver.
Notwithstanding their weaknesses, Nelson Mandela was known for reconciliation and being exemplary, Mbeki for the economy and Africa-focused foreign policy.
Put Zuma’s weaknesses aside – and there are many – and what will be his legacy?
Infrastructure was touted as a possible legacy project. This is hardly unique.
Zuma’s plan for the next five years is clear: greater intervention of the state in the economy.
He could not have pinned all his hopes on the state at a worse time. The state has failed dismally to resolve the crippling four-month strike in the platinum belt.
What would a greater intervention of the state mean in the mining sector? Ending the colonial slave wage could be one way. Does he have the guts to do it?
The concept of a developmental state, popularised as a capable state in the National Development Plan, is also not new. What flavour Zuma puts into it could prove to be a distinguishing factor.
Batho-Pele, which extols the virtues of ubuntu in the public service, became official government policy during Mandela’s presidency.
If Zuma wants state-owned enterprises (SOEs) to be the engine for economic growth – which is not impossible – he must make sure that they are led by competent executives who do not easily lose their jobs because of narrow political reasons.
Leaders of SOEs must be empowered to take decisions. They must be shielded from corrupt political interests. The boards that represent the government must be made up of qualified, competent and highly ethical individuals.
The boards must not be used as deployment platforms for comrades who could not make it onto the parliamentary list, as is the case with some diplomatic appointments.
There is scope for Zuma to make a difference here. He must start with the crisis-prone South African Airways, the SABC and the post office.
Mpumelelo Mkhabela is the editor of Sowetan
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State-owned companies will be the engines of economic growth, he promised.
Black economic empowerment policies will be pursued with vigour. And so will land reform, the procurement of government goods from domestic companies and the provision of services with courtesy in the spirit of ubuntu.
It would be a great plan, had we not heard something similar before – at least rhetorically.
Whether Zuma and his administration will implement it is another matter.
South Africans have been waiting for Zuma to crack the whip and quicken delivery for the last five years. His record is far from impressive.
It is dominated by negativity that he attributes to a bad press and some clever people.
The so-called bad press and clever people believe he in fact is the source of this negativity.
If Zuma were forced by circumstances – political or otherwise – to leave office after the first five years, he would score poorly in governance.
But he would score 100% for political manoeuvring. His skill in this regard is unrivalled. Hats off!
How else can one explain the fact that he took over from Thabo Mbeki who left the ANC at nearly 70% in voter support and led it downward to 62% and yet he was not held accountable for it.
Mbeki was, however, booted out because the public had allegedly lost confidence in the ANC and the government under him.
Not only is Zuma adept at political manoeuvring, he is also lucky to get signals when danger is coming his way, thus giving him an opportunity to react pro-actively.
His detractors in the ANC started campaigning against him prematurely. This gave him ample time to fight them successfully, using a combination of patronage and streetwise astuteness.
He also made sure the national executive committee of the ANC was packed with people who would support him come whatever scandal – personal or governance related.
It’s a remarkable story that has spawned all sorts of urban legends about his inexhaustible tricks in the political game.
But it’s not the kind of stuff that makes for a sound and solid legacy. The job of the president is to competently preside over state and provide sound leadership.
So far, Zuma has not used his streetwise political astuteness and manoeuvring skills to improve governance. In fact, he has violated several constitutional prescripts.
Until such time that he translates his skills to something tangible for ordinary South Africans, he will go down in history as someone who did nothing but teach citizens how to survive politically.
South Africans should be able to distinguish between that which the state would have been able to do regardless of who was president, and the kind of things that they know could only have been possible with Zuma at the helm.
That distinction and the uniqueness of his contribution would add to a legacy under construction.
But what Zuma’s political skill has done is to secure him a second term. Now he must make sure that this is not an end in itself.
Assuming he used the first five years to settle down, figure out the machinery of the state and get his vision across, there can be no excuse in the second term not to deliver.
Notwithstanding their weaknesses, Nelson Mandela was known for reconciliation and being exemplary, Mbeki for the economy and Africa-focused foreign policy.
Put Zuma’s weaknesses aside – and there are many – and what will be his legacy?
Infrastructure was touted as a possible legacy project. This is hardly unique.
Zuma’s plan for the next five years is clear: greater intervention of the state in the economy.
He could not have pinned all his hopes on the state at a worse time. The state has failed dismally to resolve the crippling four-month strike in the platinum belt.
What would a greater intervention of the state mean in the mining sector? Ending the colonial slave wage could be one way. Does he have the guts to do it?
The concept of a developmental state, popularised as a capable state in the National Development Plan, is also not new. What flavour Zuma puts into it could prove to be a distinguishing factor.
Batho-Pele, which extols the virtues of ubuntu in the public service, became official government policy during Mandela’s presidency.
If Zuma wants state-owned enterprises (SOEs) to be the engine for economic growth – which is not impossible – he must make sure that they are led by competent executives who do not easily lose their jobs because of narrow political reasons.
Leaders of SOEs must be empowered to take decisions. They must be shielded from corrupt political interests. The boards that represent the government must be made up of qualified, competent and highly ethical individuals.
The boards must not be used as deployment platforms for comrades who could not make it onto the parliamentary list, as is the case with some diplomatic appointments.
There is scope for Zuma to make a difference here. He must start with the crisis-prone South African Airways, the SABC and the post office.
Mpumelelo Mkhabela is the editor of Sowetan
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