IT IS not surprising that the response to President Jacob Zuma’s cabinet reshuffle has been overwhelmingly negative: too much is going wrong for a couple of changes in the executive to change the perception that the government cannot turn things around.
But there are three very good things about the reshuffle: Yunus Carrim, Connie September, and Lechesa Tsenoli — the three new ministers. All are exceptional individuals with an excellent record of service to the community and commitment to South Africa.
Carrim, a sociologist by training, has been deeply involved in the local government policy sphere for many years and is a leading proponent of efforts to clean up corruption. He has put in place important laws and regulations that legislate against jobs for pals and the appointment of incompetent party deployees. Although new to communications, his new portfolio, he is clever, hard-working and amiable, qualities that have not been evident in too many of the communications ministers before him.
Tsenoli, who takes over the local government portfolio, is experienced in local government issues in which he has been involved since his days in the civic movement. He was involved, as the parliamentary portfolio head, in steering the Municipal Systems Amendment Act through the legislature before becoming a deputy minister a year ago.
And September, a former vice-president of Cosatu and chair of several parliamentary portfolio committees, is a strong and hard-working individual of unquestionable integrity. It is also good that they replaced three ineffective ministers. Dina Pule contributed to the instability and dysfunction in the Department of Communications and the SABC and had presided over the decline of Telkom. She was contemptuous of the way taxpayers’ money was spent and appeared time and again in exposés that portrayed her living the high life at the expense of doing her job
It is also good that they replaced three ineffective ministers. Dina Pule contributed to the instability and dysfunction in the Department of Communications and the SABC and had presided over the decline of Telkom. She was contemptuous of the way taxpayers’ money was spent and appeared time and again in exposés that portrayed her living the high life at the expense of doing her job.
Pule had the disadvantage of lacking political protection because she did not have a political constituency. She came into the national leadership of the ANC following the Polokwane conference in 2007 as a part of the grouping that included former defence force head Siphiwe Nyanda and old intelligence chief Billy Masetlha. This group very quickly fell out with Zuma for being the hidden hand behind the rise of Julius Malema, which led, among other things, to Nyanda’s firing and the marginalisation of the rest. For this, Pule was punished by not being voted back onto the national executive at Mangaung. But her detractors — the SACP in particular — made it clear her days were numbered.
Tokyo Sexwale, who until Tuesday was Minister of Human Settlements, or housing, had a reputation for success with the broader public that was far from justified. Because of the millions he has made in business, Sexwale was regarded as competent and his removal widely viewed as retribution for his stand against Zuma at Mangaung. But Sexwale was far less interested in building houses than he was in his own presidential campaign. The housing department failed at even the simple task of building toilets in rural areas, for which Sexwale had spent only 9% of the budget at the end of the past financial year.
Since Sexwale is also without political support in the ANC, he was easy to remove. Other Zuma detractors — Arts and Culture Minister Paul Mashatile and Sport Minister Fikile Mbalula — have a substantial political base and, nine months before an election, would not be candidates for removal.
Richard Baloyi, who was minister of cooperative governance and traditional affairs and the third to lose his job in the reshuffle, occupied one of the most important portfolios in which the crisis is most dire. However, he lacked both passion for, and understanding of the area and spent significant amounts of time tending to his own constituency.
So these are the good things in an otherwise bad situation. But many incompetents remain. While the public spotlight has been on Angie Motshekga, the Minister of Basic Education, and Tina Joemat-Pettersson, Minister of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries, they are not the worst. So these are the good things in an otherwise bad situation. But many incompetents remain. While the public spotlight has been on Angie Motshekga, the Minister of Basic Education, and Tina Joemat-Pettersson, Minister of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries, they are not the worst.
Labour Minister Mildred Oliphant is by far the weakest cabinet minister, with a thin grasp of labour matters, next to no education and little political standing. Nathi Mthethwa, one of Zuma’s closest allies, has presided over many disasters and done nothing to arrest the brutality, incompetence and corruption that have gripped the police force. And Intelligence Minister Siyabonga Cwele has given Zuma abominable advice and caused upheaval in the top ranks of the intelligence services.
But as many observers have pointed out, this reshuffle is less about improving governance than it is about Zuma shoring up his support in the ANC and the alliance, ahead of the election. This has always been Zuma’s primary motivation when hiring and firing ministers.
The new appointments underline the alliance cemented between Zuma and the SACP, in particular between the president and its general secretary, Blade Nzimande. Since the first cabinet appointments in May 2009, Zuma has placed a growing number of communists in his cabinet, as ministers and deputy ministers. Ben Martins — shifted from transport to energy — and Carrim are members of the SACP politburo, the party’s top executive structure, and Tsenoli is a central committee member.
The appointment of September will please Cosatu: it holds few MPs in such high regard as she is. A curious move is the swapping of Dipuo Peters, who was Minister of Energy, with Martins. Both were doing quite well, and Martins had been in transport for a short time and was only just, he said himself, getting to grips with his portfolio.
A curious move is the swapping of Dipuo Peters, who was Minister of Energy, with Martins. Both were doing quite well, and Martins had been in transport for a short time and was only just, he said himself, getting to grips with his portfolio.
Insider speculation is that perhaps Peters, who has never been seen as a strong Zuma supporter, did not enjoy the same level of trust from Zuma as Martins has established. Martins has also presided over a very large procurement process for the Passenger Rail Association of SA, involving a R51-billion tender for railway coaches. Now, the focus of the big procurements is about to switch to energy: solar, fracking and nuclear are all soon to be on the agenda.
To outsiders, the swap makes no sense: it is destabilising to move ministers around, as it involves replacing dozens of government officials and building new relationships with stakeholders.
For Zuma, the reshuffle is first and foremost about consolidating his own personal power inside the ANC, a project in which he has been very successful in the lead-up to and following Mangaung.
Unfortunately for him, though, and his party, while ANC unity and strength since 1994 have dictated the way politics unfolded, that is less and less the case. Politics is increasingly being shaped by events outside the ANC and the government’s control. The political temperature on the mines, on the farms and in sporadic community protests all over is rising, fueled by a growing cynicism in perceptions of political leaders. Unfortunately for him, though, and his party, while ANC unity and strength since 1994 have dictated the way politics unfolded, that is less and less the case. Politics is increasingly being shaped by events outside the ANC and the government’s control. The political temperature on the mines, on the farms and in sporadic community protests all over is rising, fueled by a growing cynicism in perceptions of political leaders.
Focusing internally on party dynamics will help Zuma now, but it won’t be long before the ANC regrets that it did not choose the most competent leaders. Carol Paton is writer at large for Business Day where this article appeared first
The good, the bad and ugly of Zuma’s cabinet revamp
But there are three very good things about the reshuffle: Yunus Carrim, Connie September, and Lechesa Tsenoli — the three new ministers. All are exceptional individuals with an excellent record of service to the community and commitment to South Africa.
Carrim, a sociologist by training, has been deeply involved in the local government policy sphere for many years and is a leading proponent of efforts to clean up corruption. He has put in place important laws and regulations that legislate against jobs for pals and the appointment of incompetent party deployees. Although new to communications, his new portfolio, he is clever, hard-working and amiable, qualities that have not been evident in too many of the communications ministers before him.
Tsenoli, who takes over the local government portfolio, is experienced in local government issues in which he has been involved since his days in the civic movement. He was involved, as the parliamentary portfolio head, in steering the Municipal Systems Amendment Act through the legislature before becoming a deputy minister a year ago.
And September, a former vice-president of Cosatu and chair of several parliamentary portfolio committees, is a strong and hard-working individual of unquestionable integrity. It is also good that they replaced three ineffective ministers. Dina Pule contributed to the instability and dysfunction in the Department of Communications and the SABC and had presided over the decline of Telkom. She was contemptuous of the way taxpayers’ money was spent and appeared time and again in exposés that portrayed her living the high life at the expense of doing her job
It is also good that they replaced three ineffective ministers. Dina Pule contributed to the instability and dysfunction in the Department of Communications and the SABC and had presided over the decline of Telkom. She was contemptuous of the way taxpayers’ money was spent and appeared time and again in exposés that portrayed her living the high life at the expense of doing her job.
Pule had the disadvantage of lacking political protection because she did not have a political constituency. She came into the national leadership of the ANC following the Polokwane conference in 2007 as a part of the grouping that included former defence force head Siphiwe Nyanda and old intelligence chief Billy Masetlha. This group very quickly fell out with Zuma for being the hidden hand behind the rise of Julius Malema, which led, among other things, to Nyanda’s firing and the marginalisation of the rest. For this, Pule was punished by not being voted back onto the national executive at Mangaung. But her detractors — the SACP in particular — made it clear her days were numbered.
Tokyo Sexwale, who until Tuesday was Minister of Human Settlements, or housing, had a reputation for success with the broader public that was far from justified. Because of the millions he has made in business, Sexwale was regarded as competent and his removal widely viewed as retribution for his stand against Zuma at Mangaung. But Sexwale was far less interested in building houses than he was in his own presidential campaign. The housing department failed at even the simple task of building toilets in rural areas, for which Sexwale had spent only 9% of the budget at the end of the past financial year.
Since Sexwale is also without political support in the ANC, he was easy to remove. Other Zuma detractors — Arts and Culture Minister Paul Mashatile and Sport Minister Fikile Mbalula — have a substantial political base and, nine months before an election, would not be candidates for removal.
Richard Baloyi, who was minister of cooperative governance and traditional affairs and the third to lose his job in the reshuffle, occupied one of the most important portfolios in which the crisis is most dire. However, he lacked both passion for, and understanding of the area and spent significant amounts of time tending to his own constituency.
So these are the good things in an otherwise bad situation. But many incompetents remain. While the public spotlight has been on Angie Motshekga, the Minister of Basic Education, and Tina Joemat-Pettersson, Minister of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries, they are not the worst. So these are the good things in an otherwise bad situation. But many incompetents remain. While the public spotlight has been on Angie Motshekga, the Minister of Basic Education, and Tina Joemat-Pettersson, Minister of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries, they are not the worst.
Labour Minister Mildred Oliphant is by far the weakest cabinet minister, with a thin grasp of labour matters, next to no education and little political standing. Nathi Mthethwa, one of Zuma’s closest allies, has presided over many disasters and done nothing to arrest the brutality, incompetence and corruption that have gripped the police force. And Intelligence Minister Siyabonga Cwele has given Zuma abominable advice and caused upheaval in the top ranks of the intelligence services.
But as many observers have pointed out, this reshuffle is less about improving governance than it is about Zuma shoring up his support in the ANC and the alliance, ahead of the election. This has always been Zuma’s primary motivation when hiring and firing ministers.
The new appointments underline the alliance cemented between Zuma and the SACP, in particular between the president and its general secretary, Blade Nzimande. Since the first cabinet appointments in May 2009, Zuma has placed a growing number of communists in his cabinet, as ministers and deputy ministers. Ben Martins — shifted from transport to energy — and Carrim are members of the SACP politburo, the party’s top executive structure, and Tsenoli is a central committee member.
The appointment of September will please Cosatu: it holds few MPs in such high regard as she is. A curious move is the swapping of Dipuo Peters, who was Minister of Energy, with Martins. Both were doing quite well, and Martins had been in transport for a short time and was only just, he said himself, getting to grips with his portfolio.
A curious move is the swapping of Dipuo Peters, who was Minister of Energy, with Martins. Both were doing quite well, and Martins had been in transport for a short time and was only just, he said himself, getting to grips with his portfolio.
Insider speculation is that perhaps Peters, who has never been seen as a strong Zuma supporter, did not enjoy the same level of trust from Zuma as Martins has established. Martins has also presided over a very large procurement process for the Passenger Rail Association of SA, involving a R51-billion tender for railway coaches. Now, the focus of the big procurements is about to switch to energy: solar, fracking and nuclear are all soon to be on the agenda.
To outsiders, the swap makes no sense: it is destabilising to move ministers around, as it involves replacing dozens of government officials and building new relationships with stakeholders.
For Zuma, the reshuffle is first and foremost about consolidating his own personal power inside the ANC, a project in which he has been very successful in the lead-up to and following Mangaung.
Unfortunately for him, though, and his party, while ANC unity and strength since 1994 have dictated the way politics unfolded, that is less and less the case. Politics is increasingly being shaped by events outside the ANC and the government’s control. The political temperature on the mines, on the farms and in sporadic community protests all over is rising, fueled by a growing cynicism in perceptions of political leaders. Unfortunately for him, though, and his party, while ANC unity and strength since 1994 have dictated the way politics unfolded, that is less and less the case. Politics is increasingly being shaped by events outside the ANC and the government’s control. The political temperature on the mines, on the farms and in sporadic community protests all over is rising, fueled by a growing cynicism in perceptions of political leaders.
Focusing internally on party dynamics will help Zuma now, but it won’t be long before the ANC regrets that it did not choose the most competent leaders. Carol Paton is writer at large for Business Day where this article appeared first
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